TF Guy! You know what it means

One of the unfortunate things is that this forum existed after 45 was president. Otherwise I have a feeling he'd be half the TF Guy entries.

Case in point:
According to an excerpt from Michael C. Bender's upcoming book, published in Politico, former president Trump said 'I’ve done all this stuff for the Blacks' in response to a lack of support from Black voters amid protests following the murder of George Floyd
The excerpt indicates that Trump's son-in-law Jared Kushner had persuaded him to support criminal justice reform. Bender also says that during an interview, Trump said he made Juneteenth "a day to remember."
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https://www.twitter.com/i/web/status/1405903018101514243/

www.politico.com

‘I Made Juneteenth Very Famous’: The Inside Story of Trump’s Post-George Floyd Month

Aggressive tweets, a rally on Juneteenth and other ways Trump further alienated Black voters during a crucial month.
www.politico.com www.politico.com
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The frustration and anguish that had accrued among Black Americans after decades of debasing systemic racism had been emphatically—finally—cracked open by the death of George Floyd, who’d been murdered by police a few weeks earlier. As protesters poured into the streets of the nation’s capital and major municipalities, Trump privately told advisers that he wished he’d been quicker to support police and more aggressive in his pushback against protesters.

Trump had staked nearly his entire campaign in 2016 around a law-and-order image, and now groaned that the criminal justice reform that Kushner had persuaded him to support made him look weak and—even worse—hadn’t earned him any goodwill among Black voters.

“I’ve done all this stuff for the Blacks—it’s always Jared telling me to do this,” Trump said to one confidante on Father’s Day. “And they all f------ hate me, and none of them are going to vote for me.”
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A month after the murder of Floyd, Trump was dumping on his son-in-law, and he was also abandoning the chance to improve his relationship with Black leaders and Black voters during a particularly tumultuous moment in U.S. race relations and the presidential campaign. The story of this month, from the murder of Floyd to Trump’s assertion that his outreach to Black voters wasn’t working, is one of missed opportunities and bungled messaging, even in the eyes of some of Trump’s closest advisers, who described their firsthand accounts with me during the past year. Many of the sources spoke to me on the condition of deep background, an agreement that meant I could share their stories without direct attribution.

Trump had long struggled with addressing the nation’s racial issues, and his senior staff hadn’t included a single Black staffer since he’d fired Omarosa Manigault Newman—a former contestant on his reality television show—at the end of 2017. In August 2018, White House counselor Kellyanne Conway had been asked on NBC’s Meet the Press to name the top Black official in the Trump White House and could only come up with his first name: Ja’Ron.

But Ja’Ron Smith was two pay grades below the top ranks. After Conway’s interview, Smith asked for a promotion to formalize his role as the West Wing’s senior-most Black official and close the $50,000 salary gap. Kushner agreed but then put him off for the next two years.
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A frightening piece that reminds you what transactional PoS this man is, and has no place in a job where he's supposed to work for the good of the whole country.

Still, Smith remained in the White House, where he continued to work on Kushner’s criminal justice issues and played a crucial role in outreach to Black community leaders. In June 2020, Smith was writing a proposal for Trump to make Juneteenth a federal holiday. But the outcry over Trump’s rally on the day that commemorated the end of slavery convinced Smith to shelve the plan.

Trump hadn’t thought to ask his seniormost Black official about holding a rally on Juneteenth.
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Demonstrating the 'character' of Pence
Back at Trump Tower in New York two days later, Trump had a news conference scheduled to discuss the nation’s infrastructure. Responding to questions about Charlottesville, he again blamed the counterprotesters.

“You had some very bad people in that group, but you also had people that were very fine people, on both sides,” Trump said.

The next day, Stephen Schwarzman, a longtime friend of Trump’s and chief executive of Blackstone Group, called the president and told him he had disbanded the White House Strategic and Policy Forum, a coalition of businesses chaired by Schwarzman that Trump had convened in February 2017 to advise him on economic issues. There weren’t enough executives left who would stand by Trump after his repeated failures to adequately address Charlottesville, Schwarzman said. Trump hung up and beat his friend to the punch by quickly tweeting that he was shutting down the panel.

Gary Cohn, the president’s top economic adviser—and a registered Democrat—was even more despondent. Raised Jewish on the East Side of Cleveland and a longtime New York resident, he stood next to Trump for the infrastructure news conference and grew increasingly alarmed and uncomfortable. Later, in a private meeting inside the Oval Office, Cohn unloaded on the president.


Cohn told Trump that his lack of clarity had been harmful to the country and that he’d put an incredible amount of pressure on people working in the White House. He told Trump that he might have to quit. No one backed Cohn up. Others in the room, including Pence, remained quiet.

Cohn returned to his office after the meeting broke up. Following a few minutes behind, Pence climbed the flight of stairs and appeared at the threshold of Cohn’s door.

“I’m proud of you,” Pence told him, safely out of earshot of the president.
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🤬

A bit that actually makes Kushner as the smartest of the bunch & almost competent
An even bigger test for Trump came on May 26, 2020.

Ironically, in the early months of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, Trump’s team had started picking up positive signals from some Black leaders that they interpreted as potential softening on the incumbent president. The reduction in sentences for crack cocaine offenses, which had disproportionately and unfairly targeted Black offenders, reduced prison time by an average of six years for more than 2,000 prisoners. Of those, 91 percent were Black. Trump’s tax-cut bill included specific incentives for investments in poverty-stricken areas, known as opportunity zones. And those incentives were starting to work, according to a study from the Urban Institute. The administration had also made some inroads with historically Black colleges and universities when it canceled repayment of more than $300 million in federal relief loans and made permanent more than $250 million in annual funding.

Al Sharpton, the MSNBC host and civil rights activist, had been secretly calling him, which left the president with the impression that their staffs should work together. But the follow-up calls from Kushner’s team would go unanswered. Jesse Jackson, the Baptist minister and civil rights activist and one-time presidential candidate, had phoned a few times, too.

And more than 600 Black leaders joined a call as White House aides strategized over a push to codify the opportunity zone revitalization council that Trump had created by executive order.

But none of Kushner’s efforts to repair Trump’s image with the Black community would matter when the video of George Floyd’s murder began spreading online.

The morning after Memorial Day, senior White House staff gathered inside the West Wing for a prescheduled meeting about coronavirus. The death toll was approaching 100,000 in the United States, and the administration was scrambling to address a shortage of remdesivir, the antiviral used to treat Covid.

“We’re getting crushed on Covid,” said Alyssa Farah, the communications director.

Kushner, who seemed distracted and more aloof than usual in the meeting, interrupted her.
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“I’m just going to stop you,” he said. “There is going to be one story that dominates absolutely everything for the foreseeable future. I’m already hearing from African American leaders about the death of George Floyd in Minnesota.”

Mark Meadows, the White House chief of staff, brushed it off.

“Nobody is going to care about that,” Meadows told him, according to officials in the room. Meadows disputed this version of events.

It took another day for Trump to watch the devastating video of Floyd’s murder aboard Air Force One, where he was returning to Washington from Florida. Trump sat in the president’s suite near the front of the plane. As Trump pressed “play” on the video, he was surrounded by Kushner, social media director and deputy White House chief of staff Dan Scavino, National Security Adviser Robert O’Brien and his media team. Trump contorted his face as he watched. He looked repulsed, then turned away. He handed the phone back to his aides without finishing.

“This is f------ terrible,” he exclaimed.

Trump said he wanted to speak immediately with Attorney General Bill Barr.

Trump was still shaken by the video the next afternoon when Barr arrived in the Oval Office on Thursday to brief the president about Floyd’s death, now three days later. Trump had tweeted the night before that he planned to expedite the probe from the Justice Department. The only effect of the tweet, however, was to politicize the issue and infuriate Barr, who hated the suggestion that his interest in the case was political or the idea that anybody was his boss. It was the opening fissure in the relationship between the prickly and stubborn septuagenarians.

“I know these f------ cops,” Trump said, recalling stories he’d heard growing up in Queens about savage police tactics. “They can get out of control sometimes. They can be rough.”

Trump’s assessment struck some in the room as surprisingly critical of police, and the president showed a level of empathy for Floyd behind closed doors that he would never fully reveal in public. Had he tried, it might have helped dial down the tension. But Trump didn’t see it as part of his job to show empathy, and he worried that such a display would signal weakness to his base.

Trump’s compassion quickly evaporated that night as he watched demonstrators torch a Minneapolis police station, and the protests spread to New York City; Denver; Phoenix; Columbus, Ohio; and Memphis, Tennessee.
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Pt 2
And here's where stupid got behind the wheel & floored it. Brad Parscale

The meeting then turned to a discussion about rallies, and Parscale presented 11 potential locations in six different states: Arizona, Florida, Michigan, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. Nearly all of the sites were outdoors.

But Florida was off the table. Parscale suggested a drive-in-style rally in Central Florida, but Trump said Governor Ron DeSantis didn’t want a big crowd in his state during the pandemic. Parscale urged Trump to call DeSantis and tell him it was safe, but Trump refused.

No one liked the options in Arizona—the weather was too hot for an outdoor rally, and a spike in Covid cases precluded indoor venues—and Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin were all governed by Democrats. That left Tulsa, Oklahoma, which had landed on Parscale’s list after he asked Pence earlier that week about which state, governed by a Trump-friendly Republican, had the fewest Covid restrictions in the nation. The Mabee Center—the 11,300-seat arena Parscale proposed that day—had been the location of a Trump rally during the 2016 campaign. Trump was sold. (Parscale moved the venue to the 19,000-seat Bank of America Center after ticket requests shot through the roof, a result of both a prank from TikTok teens and a campaign decision to blast the announcement out to supporters across the country.)

Parscale recommended holding the Tulsa rally on June 19. No one on Parscale’s team flagged that day—or that combination of time and place—as potentially problematic. Had Parscale bothered to ask Katrina Pierson, the highest-ranking Black staffer on the campaign and a close friend of Parscale’s, she would have told him that June 19 was Juneteenth, a significant holiday for Black Americans that commemorated the end of slavery. She also would have said to him that Tulsa, as most Black Americans are well aware, had been home to one of the bloodiest outbreaks of racial violence in the nation’s history.

When staffers inside the Republican National Committee heard about the plans, they immediately pushed back.

“Don’t do this,” Ronna McDaniel, the RNC chairwoman, told Parscale. “The media is not going to give us the benefit of the doubt, especially now.”

There still was time to change the date or reconsider plans entirely. The campaign hadn’t yet signed contracts with vendors or the arena or even publicly announced the event. But Parscale dug in. Parscale’s only previous campaign had been Trump’s 2016 bid. Still, what the marketing and advertising veteran lacked in political experience, he filled in with overconfidence in what he viewed as his unlimited ability to win hearts and change minds.

On June 10, Trump had a single item on his public schedule: a 12:30 p.m. intelligence briefing. But, as was often the case with the Trump White House, that changed suddenly without any significant notice.

At 3:30 p.m., the White House summoned whichever reporters hadn’t wandered too far from their briefing room desks and quickly ushered them into the Cabinet Room, where Trump sat with Kushner and, as Trump described them, “friends of mine and members of the African American community.” That included Ben Carson, Trump’s housing secretary; Darrell Scott and Kareem Lanier, the founders of the Urban Revitalization Coalition; and Republican gadfly Raynard Jackson, who had sued the party over the trademark for “Black Republican Trailblazer Awards Luncheon,” which he believed that he, not the GOP, owned.

Trump said the meeting had been called to address law enforcement, education and healthcare issues. But for the next half-hour, Trump didn’t articulate any particular policy that would address any of those issues. The one thing Trump did talk about most extensively that afternoon: his return to rallies.

“We’re going to start our rallies back up now,” Trump informed the press. “The first one, we believe, will be probably—we’re just starting to call up—will be in Oklahoma.”

As reporters were ushered out of the room, one journalist asked Trump when he planned to be in Tulsa.

“It will be Friday,” Trump said. “Friday night. Next week.”

Juneteenth.
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The backlash shocked Trump. He started quizzing everyone around him.

“Do you know what it is?” Trump would ask.

Two days after announcing his rally, Trump turned to a Secret Service agent, who was Black, and asked him about Juneteenth.

“Yes,” the agent told Trump. “I know what it is. And it’s very offensive to me that you’re having this rally on Juneteenth.”

At 11:23 p.m. that night, Trump posted on Twitter that he wanted to change the date.


And here's where stupid got behind the wheel & floored it. Brad Parscale

The meeting then turned to a discussion about rallies, and Parscale presented 11 potential locations in six different states: Arizona, Florida, Michigan, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. Nearly all of the sites were outdoors.

But Florida was off the table. Parscale suggested a drive-in-style rally in Central Florida, but Trump said Governor Ron DeSantis didn’t want a big crowd in his state during the pandemic. Parscale urged Trump to call DeSantis and tell him it was safe, but Trump refused.

No one liked the options in Arizona—the weather was too hot for an outdoor rally, and a spike in Covid cases precluded indoor venues—and Pennsylvania, Michigan and Wisconsin were all governed by Democrats. That left Tulsa, Oklahoma, which had landed on Parscale’s list after he asked Pence earlier that week about which state, governed by a Trump-friendly Republican, had the fewest Covid restrictions in the nation. The Mabee Center—the 11,300-seat arena Parscale proposed that day—had been the location of a Trump rally during the 2016 campaign. Trump was sold. (Parscale moved the venue to the 19,000-seat Bank of America Center after ticket requests shot through the roof, a result of both a prank from TikTok teens and a campaign decision to blast the announcement out to supporters across the country.)

Parscale recommended holding the Tulsa rally on June 19. No one on Parscale’s team flagged that day—or that combination of time and place—as potentially problematic. Had Parscale bothered to ask Katrina Pierson, the highest-ranking Black staffer on the campaign and a close friend of Parscale’s, she would have told him that June 19 was Juneteenth, a significant holiday for Black Americans that commemorated the end of slavery. She also would have said to him that Tulsa, as most Black Americans are well aware, had been home to one of the bloodiest outbreaks of racial violence in the nation’s history.

When staffers inside the Republican National Committee heard about the plans, they immediately pushed back.

“Don’t do this,” Ronna McDaniel, the RNC chairwoman, told Parscale. “The media is not going to give us the benefit of the doubt, especially now.”

There still was time to change the date or reconsider plans entirely. The campaign hadn’t yet signed contracts with vendors or the arena or even publicly announced the event. But Parscale dug in. Parscale’s only previous campaign had been Trump’s 2016 bid. Still, what the marketing and advertising veteran lacked in political experience, he filled in with overconfidence in what he viewed as his unlimited ability to win hearts and change minds.

On June 10, Trump had a single item on his public schedule: a 12:30 p.m. intelligence briefing. But, as was often the case with the Trump White House, that changed suddenly without any significant notice.

At 3:30 p.m., the White House summoned whichever reporters hadn’t wandered too far from their briefing room desks and quickly ushered them into the Cabinet Room, where Trump sat with Kushner and, as Trump described them, “friends of mine and members of the African American community.” That included Ben Carson, Trump’s housing secretary; Darrell Scott and Kareem Lanier, the founders of the Urban Revitalization Coalition; and Republican gadfly Raynard Jackson, who had sued the party over the trademark for “Black Republican Trailblazer Awards Luncheon,” which he believed that he, not the GOP, owned.

Trump said the meeting had been called to address law enforcement, education and healthcare issues. But for the next half-hour, Trump didn’t articulate any particular policy that would address any of those issues. The one thing Trump did talk about most extensively that afternoon: his return to rallies.

“We’re going to start our rallies back up now,” Trump informed the press. “The first one, we believe, will be probably—we’re just starting to call up—will be in Oklahoma.”

As reporters were ushered out of the room, one journalist asked Trump when he planned to be in Tulsa.

“It will be Friday,” Trump said. “Friday night. Next week.”

Juneteenth.
Click to expand...

The backlash shocked Trump. He started quizzing everyone around him.

“Do you know what it is?” Trump would ask.

Two days after announcing his rally, Trump turned to a Secret Service agent, who was Black, and asked him about Juneteenth.

“Yes,” the agent told Trump. “I know what it is. And it’s very offensive to me that you’re having this rally on Juneteenth.”

At 11:23 p.m. that night, Trump posted on Twitter that he wanted to change the date.

The following week, on the afternoon of June 17, my phone vibrated with a call from the White House. It was a few days before Trump’s Tulsa rally, and the president wanted to see me.

In our interview, one year ago this week, Trump tried to put a spin on the controversy. He told me that he had made Juneteenth a day to remember.

“Nobody had heard of it,” Trump told me.

He was surprised to find out that his administration had put out statements in each of his first three years in office commemorating Juneteenth.

“Oh really?” he said. “We put out a statement? The Trump White House put out a statement?”

Each statement, put out in his name, included a description of the holiday.

But such details were irrelevant to him. Instead, he insisted, “I did something good.”
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“I made Juneteenth very famous,” he said.

Trump would arrive in Tulsa to a half-filled arena. Parscale had hightailed it out of the backstage area when he saw Trump and the White House entourage approaching—no one had told the president that the BOK Center wasn’t anywhere close to capacity.

Before rallies, White House aides usually inflated crowd sizes for Trump once they were told a capacity crowd was inside the building. On the way to Tulsa, no one knew how to break the disappointing news to Trump. It wasn’t until he was backstage and turned on the television that he realized the arena was two-thirds empty.

When Trump finally took the stage that night, he urged his latest audience to forget the past several months. From the rally stage in Tulsa, Trump sought a fresh start for his reelection bid.

“So we begin, Oklahoma,” the president would tell them. “We begin. We begin our campaign.”

But the truth was the campaign had begun long ago. What was actually beginning now, for Trump, was the end.
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FFS
 
Only because I'm stunned that this shit can still happen, under very similar circumstances...

www.dailykos.com

Woman realizes she wrongly accused Black man of stealing phone so naturally, she curses at him

A Black California man was wrongfully accused of stealing a child's phone in an incident strikingly similar to one involving the son of a Grammy Award-winning trumpeter. Only video that Ja’Shear Bryant posted of his encounter on Monday in a Moreno...
www.dailykos.com
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A Black California man was wrongfully accused of stealing a child's phone in an incident strikingly similar to one involving the son of a Grammy Award-winning trumpeter. Only video that Ja’Shear Bryant posted of his encounter on Monday in a Moreno Valley, California, Walmart didn’t show the woman physically attacking him. Instead, she was shown accusing him then mocking him when the child predictably resurfaced with the phone that had been left in the woman’s car.

“I know I’m Black with tattoos, so she automatically assumes I have it,” he said at one point in the video reposted by civil rights attorney Ben Crump and picked up by BET online.

Bryant said in the video that the woman had been watching him in the store. “She runs up to me and says, ‘Excuse me, you have my son’s phone?’ I pull my phone out, and tell her I do not,” Bryant said. “(…” The reason I’m not leaving is because I don’t have the phone. That’s why I’m not leaving.”

She followed Bryant outside, involved police, and demanded he stay at the store until they came. “I’m definitely pressing charges,” Bryant said on the video. “This is racial profiling. You guys see it on camera yourself.”
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The woman had apparently tracked the phone to the parking lot, and surely enough, the child returned from the lot with it. “Her son found it in the car,” Bryant said. “Now I’m gonna press charges. May I have your name ma'am, please?”

“No. You go f--k yourself,”the woman responded in front of her son.
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source-5.gif
 
Trying hard to maintain that calm...

I'll just go with the article as is, because the commentary / snark is necessary

jezebel.com

A Utah Teenager Is Being Charged With a Hate Crime For Allegedly Hurting a Cop's Feelings

She was accused of stomping on a "Back the Blue" sign while "smirking in an intimidating manner"
jezebel.com jezebel.com
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In Utah, 19-year-old Lauren Gibson is facing hate crime charges after allegedly defacing a “Back the Blue” pro-cop sign in front of a sheriff’s deputy. Apparently, Utah is one of at least five states that include not just categories such as race, gender, and religion, but also “status as a law enforcement officer” as a protected category under their hate crime laws. After all, waking up every day and going to work at a job that you could quit at literally any time is exactly the same as being Black!

Gibson has been charged with disorderly conduct and criminal mischief with a hate-crime enhancement after a Garfield County sheriff’s deputy accused her of stomping on the sign while “smirking in an intimidating manner” after he’d pulled over a group of vehicles for speeding. The misdemeanor charge carries a maximum one-year sentence. Local news station KUER reported that the officer wrote in court documents that “the incident should be treated as a hate crime because it was an ‘attempt to intimidate law enforcement.’” Apparently, police officers are claiming they were “intimidated” by an adolescent whose most dangerous qualities appears to have been her shoe.
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By including the hate-crime enhancement, county prosecutors allege that Gibson’s actions were committed with the “intent to intimidate or terrorize another person”—which would put her in violation of the same 2019 hate crime law that included law enforcement as a protected category. Although experts told The Daily Beast that including the hate-crime enhancement in this situation is a stretch no matter how you look at it, unfortunately, a similar incident from last summer has created a precedent within Garfield County.
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So let me get this, a 19 year old girl can 'smirk in an intimidating manner', towards an armed grown ass man?

We are taking the whole 'fear' factor to a new level here.

This will engender the community even more to their local police. :mad:
 
JayMysteri0 said:
Trying hard to maintain that calm...

I'll just go with the article as is, because the commentary / snark is necessary





So let me get this, a 19 year old girl can 'smirk in an intimidating manner', towards an armed grown ass man?

We are taking the whole 'fear' factor to a new level here.

This will engender the community even more to their local police. :mad:
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I seriously hope the judge sees this for the 🐂💩 it is… Actually, it would be quite interesting to see this go to the Supreme Court since the law is unconstitutional to the extreme… <looks at the current Supreme Court> … um, maybe wait a couple years on that one…
 
This judge is possibly the biggest partisan hack in the country, specializing in whining about immigration. So of course a DACA case ends up in front of him.

thehill.com

Federal judge blocks new applications to DACA

A federal judge in Texas blocked new applications for the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program in a ruling Friday, increasing pressure on Congress to find a legislative s…
thehill.com thehill.com

A bit more about this guy:

www.newsweek.com

Supreme Justices Back Anti-Immigrant Extremist Judge

Trump's racist assault on Judge Gonzalo Curiel is matched by the anonymous endorsement by four Supreme Court justices of an anti-Obama judge, Andrew Hanen.
www.newsweek.com www.newsweek.com

In a number of these opinions, Hanen has exhibited a somewhat tenuous grasp of reality. For example, at one point he angrily (and wildly) accused the Obama administration's immigration policymakers of hatching a "criminal conspiracy" with "evil individuals" to violate the immigration laws.
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How did they not file a motion to get him recused from this case? Or maybe they did? Who knows. Maybe this will be an impetus for Congress to finally pass some immigration reforms.
 
Oh FUCKING FUCK THIS FUCKING GUY...

www.texastribune.org

Sen. Joe Manchin, key Democratic holdout on federal voting protections, coming to Texas for fundraiser hosted by several GOP donors

The fundraiser comes just a day after Manchin met with Texas House Democrats on Capitol Hill who are desperate for his support of the congressional efforts which could preempt the statewide GOP’s push to pass bills that would restrict voting access for Texans.
www.texastribune.org www.texastribune.org
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WASHINGTON - West Virginia Sen. Joe Manchin — a key Democratic holdout over efforts to pass federal voting rights legislation — is expected to head to Texas on Friday for a fundraiser with a host committee that includes several wealthy Republican donors.

The fundraiser comes just a day after Manchin met with Texas House Democrats on Capitol Hill who are desperate for his support of the congressional efforts which could preempt the statewide GOP’s push to pass bills that would restrict voting access for Texans.

Manchin is also one of two Democratic senators, along with Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona, who have proven to be obstacles to moving voting rights legislation through the U.S. Senate. At the center of the impasse is their opposition to eliminating or changing the filibuster, which requires 60 senators to put a bill on the floor.
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Dems need to stop courting this guy, he's NOT going to the mat for what's truly important to dems, while Manchin hides behind a fantasy version of 'bipartisanship' that republicans laugh at. Manchin is just feeding on the all the attention, and will do what he can to stay the focus.
 
Just adding West Virginia politicians collectively to the list.

From a CNN article….West Virginia's pro-fossil-fuel politicians have long been a disaster for their own constituents. West Virginia ranks near the bottom of the US in just about every major dimension of wellbeing. In the current US News and World Report ranking of all 50 states, West Virginia ranks 47th in healthcare, 45th in education, 48th on economy, and dead last on infrastructure. The state is also notorious for having the highest number of opioid-involved overdose deaths per 100,000 people. But instead of looking for real solutions for the state, and moving beyond the fossil fuel sectors (which employ less than 2% of the state's workforce), Manchin and Capito are actually trying to slash Biden's plans for federal investments in infrastructure.
 
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